interviews
Labor and the White House
by Dave Weigel
March 31, 2021
This interview with Dave Weigel, national reporter covering politics for the Washington Post, was conducted and condensed by franknews and Payday Report.
DW | The White House's involvement in the Amazon union drive was a big surprise. I mean, we know where it could have originated, the union talked to the White House; they have kind of an open door with Biden that they didn't have with Trump. We know that Faiz Shakir, Bernie Sanders’ campaign chairman, and his group, Perfect Union, got involved. So, there was public pressure.
The fact that the White House and the president released that video was a big deal to people. And, he made this decision to get involved very early on in his presidency. It was within his first 50 days. He decided to do what hadn't been done before and give a message in support of the union. It was a very careful message. The new labor secretary, Marty Walsh, when asked specifically about Amazon, responded in more general tones.
But, no matter what happens, if you are in for a penny, you are in for a pound.
A lot of previous presidents, including Barack Obama, said a lot less about these union drives and, in doing so, limited their own exposure. If the drive didn't work, people didn't say that the president supported something that didn't work. The fact that Biden made a statement, early on, when it wasn't clear how this was going to go, is a real political statement of what they thought was important.
frank | How do you think his background plays a role in this?
He's always leaned in really hard and identified with workers in the same way he's tried to identify with different civil rights movements. Joe Biden has always wanted to be seen as the kind of person who is coming from Scranton, who has lived through the sixties, and who wants to jump to the front of the march if there is a struggle happening.
He frames everything in terms of fairness. He's not as natural as other members of the party in talking about this. When Bernie Sanders talks about this, for example, he talks about greed, he names CEOs, he says nobody deserves that much money, he talks about a maximum wage and how there should be no billionaires at all. Biden doesn't go that far. Biden has never gone after Jeff Bezos. He's never gone after individual heads of companies the way that Sanders does. He does this sort of a "Hey man, these guys are under assault, somebody needs to stick up for them."
That is something that he has always wanted to be part of his brand. Even when he was voting for trade deals like NAFTA as a Senator, he was never really comfortable. He had the same ideological mindset as a lot of the Democrats in the eighties and the nineties. He did it because he saw that that was the way things were moving and he voted strategically. But, the stuff that fired him up was when he could side with workers. It is the same thing with the projects he took on under Obama when he was Vice President.
During the Democratic primary, he didn't get the same amount of labor support that Hillary Clinton did, but, Sanders didn't get it either. There wasn't the same sort of a landslide of labor to get in early and say, this is our candidate. Instead, they were demanding more of the candidates.
I would cover presidential primary events with the Teamsters in Cedar Rapids or the Building Trades in DC and you would kind of look to the level of applause as an indicator. The interesting thing is that at those events Sanders would lay out the things he did and what he wanted to pass. Biden would go on at length about non-compete clauses and about wage theft and things like that. It was less, "I have studied all of the papers on this and I've decided this is my policy," and more of "this seems unfair and I'm against this thing."
I think the Democratic Party is increasingly understanding what labor can mean for them strategically.
Republicans have gotten kind of tangled up on labor. They have done better with union households, but they are basically the party of deregulation still. They've never really moved on the labor part of their messaging. That makes it easier for Biden to compete for these workers. When it comes down to it, Republicans want “right-to-work." Josh Hawley, who branded himself as a working-class candidate, for example, supports a national right-to-work.
Biden was very concerned with winning back more union households. Union workers were saying, “Democrats had the presidency for 16 years. What do they do for us?” Biden didn't have all the answers that labor wanted, but he was making a lot of specific promises about how he was going to act. He talked about infrastructure spending and about how he was going to run the NLRB and how he was going to approach employers. It was less than Sanders did, but that's way more than Democrats had done in the past.
I mean, the McCain/Romney era Republicans had no appeal to the sort of voters who voted for Obama twice and then voted for Trump. Biden only peeled back maybe 10% of them depending on where you're talking about, but it has made life easier for Democrats.
This fight has in large part been framed in the context of continuing a battle for civil rights. Do you see Biden lean into that messaging?
Biden did not really lean to the racial justice aspect or the civil rights legacy aspect of this labor fight. When the congressional delegation here came down a couple of weeks before the vote, they were much more explicit. Someone like Jamal Bowman or Cori Bush is much more comfortable saying that than Biden. That is the thing about Biden. He basically sets boundaries. He says what his position is and backs off and lets the action happen without his constant commentary. It's very different than Trump in that way too. And that's different than the Sanders position. And it's different than what Warren said her position would be as president.
Can you give us context on how or why you started covering this story?
I started covering the Amazon drive because of the president and members of Congress intervening. I mean, labor decided to get involved months before, but the fact that Democrats were getting involved was new. It has been interesting to monitor their investment in this over other Democratic Party causes.
There's a little bit of intervention from the Democrats, but not, I'd say equal to what Amazon is doing. They are not the advertisements on TV. We all know the Democratic party is kind of involved, but it is not the same political project that I've seen in other places.
There are two stories that kind of were happening at the same time; they have merged, but not completely. One is this labor drive, which is smaller than most drives that have succeeded. It is not overwhelming. You don't see labor signs everywhere you go. But, on the other hand, the level of national involvement is kind of new.
Had Biden said nothing, there would have been a story, but it wouldn't involve the White House, it wouldn't involve the Democratic Party, and it might not involve the PRO Act.
And I think that's going to change because of this.
New interview w/ @daveweigel @PaydayReport
— frank news (@FrankNewsUS) April 6, 2021
"The White House's involvement with the Amazon drive was a big surprise ... Previous presidents, Obama comes to mind, said a lot less. The fact that Biden did that early on is a political statement of what they thought was important." pic.twitter.com/MwYlmqE4xQ
That was a big decision Biden made to be a part of this.
Right. And that political story is interesting. The story here is much more independent. A lot of the people who've come in to help canvas are from smaller groups. You have Black Lives Matter and DSA groups from the area, but you don't have the Democratic Party getting involved in a huge way. I think that is something that people will revisit after the vote.
Should the Democratic Party, like most left parties in the world, be very involved with labor? Should they always take the side of labor?
Most social democratic parties are labor parties and they build up from there. Their coalition includes labor unions. In the British Labour Party, for example, labor has a role in electing the leadership. That is not the case here. That's the conversation I think they're going to start having when this votes over. For example, if there are, and the union says there are, hundreds of people around the country calling them saying, "Hey, I have some questions about what I can do at my fulfillment center in my town," that will be a question for Democrats.
And if Amazon wins, do you get spooked? Amazon has been very punchy in their PR. They might say that a bunch of elite Democrats stood with the union and the workers stood with Amazon. That is very comfortable turf for Amazon to be on, and that leaves a big question open for Democrats. If the union succeeds, throw all of that out the window. I think the lesson that everyone would take in that case would be that if it takes less than a three-minute video from the president to get momentum for something like this, then we should keep doing that. As we talk, I don't know the answer to that question. I think that is something that is going to be answered when the votes are in.
interviews
An Introduction to Care | Part Two
by Dr. Kali Cyrus
February 13, 2020
Dr. Kali Cyrus is our February co-editor. This is part two of our conversation.
Part one can be found here.
There is a lot of off the clock work happening, and out of pocket spending. So much of the care falls on staff after hours.
I would call it the out of pocket / out of office hours commitment. In terms of the costs to me, if I happen to be a doctor who gets bothered, a doctor who works in the public system, what ends up happening is most of my time is not actually spent treating the person's mental and physical health. It's mostly spent trying to figure out case management issues.
If we know this person doesn't have any food at home and they need to be taking their meds with food, or this person doesn't actually have a primary care doctor and they're smoking half as many cigarettes, which is usually the case, or their blood pressure is 200 over 120, or they keep getting hospitalized for medical reasons, if they're in a house dealing with trapping every night, they can't get sleep, it worsens their depression, and they're in a crisis and calling the cops, I can't do my job.
It isn’t really monetary, but as a team, we spend most of our time trying to figure out how can we get this person food when they may not be eligible to get free food from the state district, how can we actually try to get this drug dealer to forgive a debt – which is like, how can we do that?
What we end up doing instead of focusing on what kind of medications can I give you, or how can I meet with you on a weekly basis and talk through what you need to change, what is a path to recovery, is trying to manage the social stressors. It more so impacts social workers or people who've gone to school who want to be therapists, they end up being case workers. They end up doing these kinds of things, you can talk to them and use your therapeutic knowledge in that way, but it's a very different job that requires a lot more patience because you're dealing with systems that are so non functioning.
It's essentially what that part of the job has become. I think the other end of it, if you think about teachers who end up spending their money to buy supplies, that type of stuff, I don't necessarily end up in that position because I'm the physician. That's something a lot of us have very strict boundaries about. If I have a patient asking me for food, I'm at a clinic or I'm at their house, I'm not going to. No one would expect me to go run to the grocery store. That's going to fall on my staff. If my staff goes to see them three times a week, they're the ones who are going to get asked for money three times a week.
Think about people who work in group homes, where you have mental health patients with people who have other physical or mental disabilities, staffed by people who are not necessarily nurses. One, you're not making a lot of money and you're supposed to be in house with them all day, those are the clients saying, "I need a cigarette, I need a cigarette" when they've already used up all their cigarette money. But if they're going to flip, they're going to punch you in the face because they have a psychotic illness and they don't have the insight into knowing that you can't just give them cigarettes, cigarettes, cigarettes – they'll go buy them cigarettes if that's the thing that's going to keep calm.
Thinking through the costs in that way, is something I've learned from, and the way I've tried to help my staff out is however I can apply to services for them. I have some people in D.C., once I find out that they're at an age where they could potentially qualify from a home health aid, I apply to everything. I try to get them meals on wheels. I try to get them this thing, that thing. Many of them have been denied in the past, maybe they haven't really tried, or maybe they aren't eligible, but the main way is to try to get them as many services as possible, which then leads to complicating the treatment because you have four or five different agencies involved, and you're trying to figure out who's doing what, which is a different problem, but a better problem to have.
What needs to happen for these systems to work more cohesively?
I think about it as large group solutions and smaller more immediate solutions. In terms of the large overall solutions, I think crisis, I think crisis settings. I really believe in the urgent care system. If you're having a crisis right now people come to the ER and there's no beds to send them to. No long term hospital spaces. Not everybody needs to be in the hospital for seven days a week, 24/7 to be monitored.
We can move them to this middle unit where they can be kept safe for a little while. Some of them just need to get through the weekend. Observation units that aren't hooked up to all the expensive hospital bays are really great places, and then a lot of people can go home after that. They might not need the five days, they just need a couple of days. And I've found that that's a good workaround of not having inpatient beds.
I've also found that outpatient urgent care settings are good. It's a nine to five clinic, with staff, social workers, usually one physician, some peers. You can walk in off the street. It's an outpatient model, imagine how much money you save in that.
In terms of the large system, it's groups. If you're not going to magically be able to reimburse every psychiatrist or every outpatient, why don't you have more groups of people, who once they leave the hospital just need something from six to nine. Think about AA in terms of mental health treatment, they need other people who are going through the same things they are that are staffed by social workers or staffed by psychiatrists who can provide ongoing care for them, in a model that's in a community center somewhere. That's not expensive and something the state can pay for.
Imagine the quality of what you could have at that time. It's not one reimbursable, so it's not there. Obviously the other individual level solution, you need a meals on wheels program or functioning transportation to help people get to appointments. You could even put a psychiatrist or psychologist in primary care offices.
My simple answer is how do you incorporate mental health players in these spaces? Making sure you at least know there are places that you can go. That takes investing in social services not just mental health centers. It's investing in the community itself.